Who would have thought that in the year 1963 a black man,
Malcolm X, would be interviewed by a panel of white men, Chicago journalists Jim
Hurlut, Len O’Connor, Floyd Kalber and Charles McCuen, on a national platform
arguing among other things elements of white supremacy, racial tension and
historicity of slavery in America? At the time of the interview Malcolm X was
currently a member of the Nation of Islam, a religious order from which his
newly adopted name originated. In the interview, if it can still be called
that, Len O’Connor attempts to uncover Malcolm X’s true identity, an effort
which provided sufficient room for a short history lesson of black heritage, or
the lack of it, in America
through the eyes of a colored lens. It is through the initial interaction of X
and O’Connor where the tinge of racial tension is first exposed. Nearly, ten
minutes into the examination, O’Connor rhetorically charges X of taking a very
moderate position of independence without having any hatred for the whites,
using X’s reaction to a recent plane wreck highlighted in a news article
to guide the prodding. Implications surrounding the charge of O’Connor are
manifest in his further questioning stating that X expressed great
gratification for the occurrence of the tragedy. There is a wealth of examples
in this interview to account for a swelling distrust blacks share for white
supremacy, a generic term used here to describe contentious race relations,
societal prejudice and acts of segregation condoned by the federal and state
governing agencies of the day. The full interview shadows a voice of liberty
which promotes the establishment of racial dignity through freedom, justice and
equality for blacks in the United States .
The ‘City Desk,’ or the program responsible for hosting the thirty minute interview,
provided a platform for this voice of liberty to be heard, a voice which was as
reticent then as it was nearly two-hundred years prior.
Turning towards another influential leader, revolutionary and
controversial orator who espoused the tenants of liberty and equality inherent
in the God-given rights of man, we will find Patrick Henry. No attempts will be
made here to reconcile seeming differences between these two pivotal characters
in American history, rather an attempt will be made to establish a common theme
shared by them, a theme which can be articulated in the spoken and written word
of both men. We shall find what is common between Henry and X is found in any
revolutionary; a composed and dynamic countenance and controversial rhetoric that
are not without consignment to a moral, religious or ethical code. So often
perceived by his countrymen as slanderous and contemptuous, noticeable features
which are typically construed as criticism of the reigning governmental agency
the plight of a revolutionary hinges on some degree of treason. American history
has already cast a seemingly unpretentious light on these two leaders and there
remains a stunning irony that binds them together which I hope will be
recognized without the stigma of social or ethnic bias.
Patrick Henry is revered mostly for his famous words, ‘Give
me liberty or give me death!’ delivered in a speech at St.
John’s Church in Richmond
on March 23, 1775 . However,
our attention will be drawn another direction earlier in his career. In May,
1765 Henry was elected to the Colonial Assembly in Williamsburg
known as the House of Burgesses where he gave the ‘Stamp Act’ speech just ten
days after inauguration at the spirited age of twenty-nine. Inexperienced and
unacquainted with the form of the House and the members who comprised it,[1]
Henry propositioned four Resolutions and Three Conclusions against the Stamp
Act which resolved that only colonial assemblies had the right to impose taxes
on its constituents which could not be asserted by any other governing body.
Viewed as a declaration of economic independence from British Parliament, the
Resolutions were received with open scrutiny and disfavor. Incidentally,
Benjamin Franklin notoriously aligned himself with the Stamp Act who was at the
time a colonial agent in London . In
order to provide scope to the controversy we should detail the need for its
implementation.
The Stamp Act, recognized as an internal tax, was a method used
to augment the cost of the first colonial American war which lasted roughly
nine years. The protective agency of British Parliament secured their colonial
interests by defeating their opponents overseas in The French and Indian War (1754-1763).
With this tremendous effort followed a tremendous debt and Great
Britain was searching for a legitimate method
for a pecuniary harvest. Until a more palpable measure was found, Parliament
found it necessary for the American colonies to oblige. The Stamp Act was met
with considerable disapproval by the colonies although it was not the first to
be enforced. The Sugar Act, deemed an external tax, was implemented the
previous year. Colonial America ,
operating under British Parliament’s authority, became intimately aware of the
implications that surrounded a governing agency capable of fitting them with a
progressive economic burden styled in the Stamp Act.
By this time, Patrick Henry’s Resolutions against the Stamp
Act was viewed as a treasonous act by a fair portion of his colleagues. The
colony of Virginia refused to
print the Resolutions in their media. On the day of its delivery, Henry
submitted five Resolutions that were met with outrage and violent debate. Henry did not withdraw cowardly from the riotous excursion, for the next day he
approached the platform in the House of Burgesses with unyielding resolve and
issued an open challenge to his colleagues which culminated in the sore but
famous declaration, ‘Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell; and
George the Third…may he profit by their example. If this be treason,
make the most of it!’
We have, by all accounts, a fair and accurate portrayal of a
controversial orator at work and an all-American revolutionary at play. Patrick
Henry, who was initially dismissed for his unseasoned conjectures and
misalignment to favorable party rule within the House of Burgesses, wound up
initiating a policy that colonial America
would embrace. This adoption inevitably spawned a war for economic
independence, the Revolutionary War, the results for which our infancy as a new
nation was formed.
Although our nation had eventually won a war for
independence and sovereignty from economic subjugation in 1776, she
failed to liberate herself from human slavery, a racial inequality that would
harbor civil unrest. Nearly two centuries later our nation was met with another
radical revolutionary, only this time he fought for racial independence echoing
the same doctrines of freedom through justice and liberty from social
tyranny. But wait, that war was already fought and won in 1865 with the blood
of our brothers in our own nation. With the acceptance of the Emancipation
Proclamation on September 22, 1862
by Abraham Lincoln human slavery was declared unlawful. From this conjecture we
must begin to open both eyes to the historical account which spans an entire
century in America .
From 1865 to 1965 with the aid of any encyclopedia we can surmise what happens
to a nation that was dividedly stripped of its subjugating and lawful
enterprise. If anyone looks beyond the glorious transparency of the
Proclamation, one will witness a brutal struggle between two races, a sectarian
class conflict limiting exclusivity towards anyone who was not a white man, (even
white women were lawfully considered second-class citizens) legislative subjugation
of blacks, (the Jim Crow Laws) Lynching or the putrid stain of injustice secured
by the bloody hands of a mob and segregation, all of which lead inevitably to a
conclusion that can be summed up in the form of a question: Was the
Emancipation Proclamation used more effectively as a tool to provide racial
independence or as divisive creature to secure a more perfect union?
By reviewing a series of debates and interviews we can
identify the platform from which Malcolm X operates. As a controversial and
provocative orator, X regards legislative reform as ineffective, citing the
abuse of governing bodies as credit to this legal impotence. For X, what discrimination
his people have suffered crosses over political, economic and social boundaries
thereby keeping them in an endless cycle of abject class subjugation and racial
poverty. Without the aid of any political influence he abandons any hope of
seeking refuge in a system that is overwhelmingly racist, yet he is not
disheartened. Malcolm X reaches for a power tool that is most effective to
acquire justice.
On March 17, 1963 ,
using the words of ‘Attorney General Robert Kennedy,’ Malcolm X dutifully
maintains, ‘that the number one domestic problem in America
is the race problem, that it is almost impossible to solve it, that it is
almost impossible to give justice to Negroes.’[2] In
another interview at UC Berkeley, October
11, 1963 continues to correct inflammatory and pervasive
accusations associated with the religious and moral code for which he is consigned:
The Nation of Islam (NOI). X responds by deflecting the allegations with a noxious
flurry of sobering facts citing incidents of ‘juvenile murder,’ ‘domestic
church bombings,’ ‘lynching’ and initiation ‘of aggressive acts of
violence,’ to be a pattern of exercises that does not, nor has it ever existed
in the behavior of Muslims who follow the messenger of Allah: Elijah Muhammad. X
continues to identify a glaring misconception of hypocrisy prevalent in his
day; pointing out that the party responsible for over four-hundred years of
violence and oppression of a peculiar race in America
has been and continues to be the same. What becomes interesting in the ensuing
dialogue is X’s manner in which he claims the rights of men. ‘We are within our
religious rights to retaliate in self-defense to the maximum degree of
our ability’ therein ‘reserving the right to defend ourselves.’ X uses the
phrase expressly as Patrick Henry, or any other ‘Founding Father’ will have
used it denoting its God-given quality. An inalienable right to them was a
natural right to X; the manner in which they claimed them was tangible but no
less effective.
What burdened the peoples of these two revolutionaries is
oppression by an over-riding governing agency. For Henry this oppression restricted
political freedom and the initial means of overcoming this was to employ his
legislative authority. For X, this oppression existed generally as inequality stemming
from societal prejudice and the most effective means of combating it as an
influential leader was to become an ideologue of freedom. Both persons were met
with enormous resistance, yet they exercised their intellectual authority as an
aggregate to incite social and political reform.
In conclusion, the area covered in this article could almost
be considered a disservice to the incredible effort applied by both men as it
is ill replete with evidence necessary to properly expose their true historical
significance; leaving their valiant heroism to suffer near exploitation. At the
very least my hope is that one will envision the invaluable sacrifice which has
been made by both persons for a cause greater than themselves. A dynamic
posture coupled with their controversial yet powerful oration impacted a
message which could not be ignored even by those who failed to align themselves
with the principles of independence espoused by these American revolutionaries.